The Economics of the Doha Round and the WTO

I thought it was worth posting the contents of the latest special issue from Pacific Economic Review. Remember that the environment is receiving more attention in this round than any previous round.

THE ECONOMICS OF THE DOHA ROUND AND THE WTO Part I

POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE DISAPPOINTING DOHA ROUND OF TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Robert E. Baldwin
pages 253–266
Abstract. This paper stresses the importance of political as well as economic factors for understanding negotiating outcomes in multilateral trade negotiations such as the Doha Round. In particular, it is argued that economic factors of the type traditionally emphasized by economists in their classrooms are by themselves inadequate for analysing the negotiating process. A variety of political economy factors are discussed as explanations for the disappointing results of the Doha Round.

DOHA, DEVELOPMENT AND DISCRIMINATION
Bernard Hoekman
pages 267–292
Abstract. Two distinct challenges confront WTO members – whether to ‘save’ the WTO’– that is, a multilateral trading system that is based on non-discrimination and most favoured nation liberalization – and if so, how to do so, and determining what role the WTO should play in attaining (pursuing) national development objectives. This paper explores whether moves to achieve the first objective will help achieve the latter, and whether specific actions to pursue more seriously economic development objectives through the WTO could help move the system closer to achieving the goal of non-discrimination.

CONCEPTS OF FAIRNESS IN THE GLOBAL TRADING SYSTEM
Andrew G. Brown and Robert M. Stern
pages 293–318
Abstract. We first discuss why fairness is a condition of the agreements among governments that form the global trading system. We then suggest that fairness can best be considered within the framework of two concepts: equality of opportunity and distributive equity. We thereafter discuss what these mean as applied to market access and its supporting rules as well as to dispute settlement and trade remedy measures. Finally, we make some comments about fairness in the Doha Development Round.

AGRICULTURAL AND NAMA REFORM UNDER DOHA: IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIA-PACIFIC ECONOMIES
Kym Anderson, Will Martin
pages 319–333
Abstract. This paper provides estimates of the potential gains to the Asia Pacific region from completely freeing merchandise trade globally and from partial liberalizations that might emerge from the Doha Round. Particular attention is given to agriculture, where the majority of the gains would arise. The results suggest that moving to free global merchandise trade would boost real incomes in the Western Pacific proportionately more than in other regions. The Doha partial liberalization scenarios considered would move the world only a small way towards complete free trade, but inreasingly so the more developing countries themselves are willing to open up.

ANTIDUMPING REFORM IN THE WTO: A PESSIMISTIC APPRAISAL
Michael O. Moore
pages 357–379
Abstract. Evidence presented in this paper suggests that substantial, and perhaps even modest, antidumping reform is unlikely to occur in the near future in multilateral trade negotiations. One reason is that the growing list of countries that use antidumping extensively has created new constituencies that will resist reform. Second, traditional antidumping users, especially the USA, have shown strong resistance to further reform and have implemented past reform in a minimalist fashion. Even if substantial changes are forthcoming, experience with antidumping reform from the Uruguay Round means that the economic impact of reform could be limited.

DOHA DEVELOPMENT ROUND: REACHING BEYOND TRADE LIBERALIZATION
Sven W. Arndt
pages 381–394
Abstract. While the WTO process of multilateral trade liberalization encounters increasing resistance, in part because the most difficult issues have finally risen to the top of the agenda, market-based forces are contributing to international economic integration. One of the most potent is cross-border production networks. This paper explores the implications of such networks for trade policies and development strategies. It argues that participation in production networks requires trade policy adjustments and domestic reforms that can and should be undertaken unilaterally and that such changes will improve the climate for WTO negotiations.